“We must work from the basis that Kenya is a garment of many colours, which is beautiful because each colour is present. We cannot be one colour because we would be dull. Some colours cannot run over others because we would be ugly. We must all stay in place and be bright”

Mayor of Garissa, 2010

This is an analysis of intra ethnic dialogue conducted through an initiative called Ethnicity Discussion Forums. This initiative was implemented, over the last two years, through partnerships between Kikuyus for Change and other grass-root-based community organizations like the Abagusii Community, Coast Citizens Coalition, Nyanza Youth Coalition, The Rift Valley Youth Convention, Teso Progressive Forum, Maa Civil Society of Kenya and Pastoralists Development Network of Kenya, Northern Forum for Democracy, the East African Action Club, Western Leaders Forum and the Ukambani Progressive Forum. In these intra ethnic discussions the participants answered the following questions: Who is a Luhya (Kamba, Teso etc. depending on the ethnic group in discussion), How does a Luhya relate with other communities? What does a typical Luhya think about being Kenyan? What does a Luhya expect in order to feel Kenyan? Additional information is drawn from various inter ethnic discussions conducted under the same initiative.

MY TRIBE

Most ethnic groups tend to have a positive view of themselves and of the way they interact with neighbouring ethnic groups. Kisii: “ We are hard working and entrepreneurial”. Kalenjin: “ Kalenjin ni ngombe – You can tell a good Kalenjin by the nature of his cows”. Teso: “We are generous”. Kikuyu: “We are enterpreneuring and hard working”. Luhya: “Luhyas are peaceful, law abiding and generous. We are welcoming of other communities and learn their languages”. Asians: “We engaged in the anti-colonial struggle, joining hands with African nationalists”. Maasai: “The Masae means Nation, whilst the Masai means tribe: so we are the first people to recognize the existence of a nation”.

ETHNIC FRUSTRATION,  ANGER, HATRED, RESENTMENT AND DESPAIR

The amount and intensity of frustration, anger and hatred demonstrated at many of the intra ethnic meetings was almost overwhelming. However, this should not be surprising considering Kenya is only just emerging from violent conflict that the botched 2007 general election triggered. Emotions are still raw and these discussions illustrated that a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation process will be necessary to publicly and systematically record grievances and make recommendations for remedy. Below is what we learnt:

(a) The Kikuyu as the ‘Historical Injustice’

In all but one of the intra ethnic meetings, the Kikuyus were mentioned as the group primarily responsible for the discontent among other Kenyans. Kikuyus are perceived by other Kenyans as an arrogant economically dominant ethnic group that is also unscrupulous. The stereotype that Kikuyus are thieves has become entrenched across the country. Kikuyus are seen to have an economic advantage due to a head start beginning in colonial times, corruption and nepotistic tendencies of the Kenyatta and Kibaki regimes. There is a fear of Kikuyu political and economic hegemony particularly in the Rift Valley. In the Western Kenya meeting, one of the leaders swore that another Kikuyu could not be President. There were dehumanising references to Kikuyus in language that usually precedes genocide. In one inter ethnic meeting, a participant from Western Kenya said that Kikuyu behaviour made others wonder if ‘these [Kikuyus] are really people’. In the Maasai intra-ethnic meeting, an elder referred to Kikuyus as worse than an animal which though greedy does not eat its own children. Kikuyus are generally individualistic and do not have cohesive group aspirations. Entrepreneurship and wealth generation have become the most dominant cultural trait among Kikuyus. Kikuyus have been taken by surprise at the recent intense hostilities towards them. Although there is some acknowledgement of historical advantage, Kikuyus feel there is little recognition of Kikuyu disenfranchisement and displacement during the anti-colonial struggle. Many Kikuyus assume that these recent hostilities emanate from envious and uninformed instincts. Kikuyus feel unfairly punished for doing the same things that others are doing e.g. voting for their own kinsmen. Many also feel unfairly victimized for the actions of Kikuyu leaders.

(b)   The Problem is also the Luos, the Kalenjins, the Asians, the Bukusus, the Kipsigis etc.

In addition to the anti-Kikuyu sentiments, many ethnic groups have negative stereotypes and grievances against neighbouring groups. There are also significant grudges among sub tribes and clans within ethnic groups. For example, the Maragolis rarely support the Bukusus to attain national political leadership. A Pokot, in the Kalenjin meeting, claimed that Pokots had not benefited from belonging to the Kalenjin ethnic group. There are subtle rivalries between Kikuyus of Nyeri, Kiambu and Muranga. Kiambu Kikuyus claim that the political failures of the Kibaki government are associated with the academic and unnecessarily complicated approaches of Nyeri Kikuyus. The Kisiis think the Luos are lazy and the Kalenjin/Kipsigis selfish. The Maasai believe that they are culturally the closest tribe to the Kikuyus but have been betrayed by the Kikuyus since independence. Meanwhile, the Asians feel systematically denied of their entitlements as Kenyans and have to grovel for their rights. Other Kenyans think that Asians are abusive and cruel employers. The indigenous people of the Coast feel everyone treats the Coast as ‘Kenya’ while holding onto their indigenous regions for their local people.

(c) The Government is the Problem

Ineffective government is a fundamental cause of deprivation and challenge for all Kenyans. However, only the Somali community framed their core grievances as being related to government. The Somalis began their relationship with the independence Kenya government on a negative note that has since shaped their political identity. The shifta war to quell secessionist intentions left Somalis bitter and broken. Some feel that there is a deliberate policy to keep them poor and uneducated so as to manage them politically. They believe that their region continues to be systematically under developed as a buffer against hostilities from Kenya’s northern neighbours. They wonder why successive governments have not secured the northern border instead. They feel that Somali leaders in government are essentially co-opted and unable to fundamentally resolve problems for Somalis. Somalis generally distinguish governments from communities. The Moi government was not referred to as the Kalenjin government or the Kibaki government the Kikuyu government. This is because they have had members of their communities in government, without that presence leading to change in how their region is governed.

POVERTY AND INEQUALITY

The Coastarians described Kenyans across ethnicities as belonging to three broad groups: walala hoi, walala heri and the walala hai. The walala hoi are the poor who are not guaranteed a meal a day. They were referred to as the ‘consumables’ of Kenyan society engaging in militias and manual work. The walala heri (heri wao) are the middleclass who have meet their basic needs but are struggling to meet their wants. The walala hai are the wealthy who meet their needs and wants – ‘eating their own food and that of other people’. A Somali, in Garissa, however noted that wealthy Somalis get along well with other ethnic groups. Is this true of other wealthy Kenyans?

The need for equitable resource distribution was a dominant proposal raised in most meetings. At the Coast meeting, the story was given of ‘a man’, a father of six who divided the ugali in half keeping a half for himself and giving the other half to his wife and their six children. Over time, the discontented wife and children could no longer recognize him as husband and father. The wife and children ganged up and ‘sorted the man out’. In a related reference on inequality, the refrain of a popular Kikuyu song goes ‘the cake should be returned back to the table’.

Resource inequalities at the Coast have created a strong demand for a Coastal regional government. It is strongly believed that a regional government would secure the interests of indigenous Coastal people for jobs, land and other resources. Some people at the Coast wish to secede from Kenya. In Central province and now Nairobi a militia Mungiki, nurtured by economic inequality, has developed into a national security crisis. Other regions of the country also have militia that is for hire for political and other agendas.

MUTUALLY ASSURED DESTRUCTION

Ethnic animosity and inequitable resource distribution among and within regions has created a deadly cocktail for conflict. The 2007/2008 crisis demonstrated that there can be no victors of a civil war in Kenya. First the Kikuyus got attacked for ‘stealing an election’ and for arrogantly dominating other communities. Kisiis also got into trouble for voting in the ‘Kikuyu’ government. Then a second wave of violence caught Kambas for ‘joining Kikuyus’ in government. Kikuyus hit back in self defense as well as in ‘support of their suffering kinsmen’ and other groups got caught up for various local reasons. The government ruthlessly defended the status quo beating back and killing those who demonstrated against the botched election.

Within a span of a few weeks it was clear that there were no winners. Property was looted, women of all ethnic groups raped, hundreds were dead and many maimed, food was abandoned on farms, schools were closed, fear ruled as further retaliation was anticipated, Kenya’s neighbours became jittery as their supply lines were blocked, the country’s image was battered and Kenya was almost consigned to a failed state. Later, most economic gains became losses and millions of Kenyans were faced with starvation. The national cake has become even smaller. The power sharing solution was a peace measure but is a divided, limping government that often threatens to collapse and throw the country back to bloody conflict.

As demonstrated here, many Kenyans are still licking their wounds and cursing their ethnic enemies. There are reports that various ethnic groups are arming – the country is still on a path of mutually assured destruction.

KENYA FOR KENYANS: A FUTURE FOR ALL

Although the intra and inter ethnic meetings were difficult and even negative, the fact that people took time to meet is an indication that they still have hope that their grievances can be addressed peacefully. The great interest in a new Constitution, across the country, is also a sign that Kenyans still see a future together. How should a future for all be developed?

(1) Defining The Truth: Sorting real from imagined ethnic perceptions

In the last two years, the history of Kenya has been written and rewritten on the streets, in sitting rooms, on radio, on the internet and in public rallies. History has been distorted and slanted to support ethnic grievances. Various ethnic groups, like the Maasai, feel their role and sacrifices in the colonial struggle are overlooked. Kalenjins, especially the Nandi, claim that they were discriminated against in the restoration of the ‘White Highlands’ to Africans. Some Kikuyus say that the Kenyatta regime simply corrected the colonial injustices against the Kikuyus and did not necessarily favour Kikuyus. A Truth, Justice and Reconciliation effort is necessary in sharing everyone’s truth and developing a Kenyan story that all can identify with.

(2) Ensuring political inclusion

The new Constitution should ensure adequate and equal representation at the national and at the local levels. The Presidency that is the source of do-or-die politics will be tempered by a powerful National Assembly, Senate and independent Judiciary. The Boundaries Review Commission should correct the constituency gerrymandering of the past and create fair and equitable representation. A new Constitution is therefore integral to a new Kenya that includes all groups in shaping the country’s future.

(3) Reducing inequalities within and between regions

Poverty in the midst of wealth is the basis for strife in Kenya. This inequality and the associated sense of injustice along ethnic and racial lines is the key ingredient for conflict. Economic injustice is the grievance that selfish and dubiously wealthy politicians exploit, without engaging sincere efforts to resolve it. A new political paradigm is required that regards the extreme economic inequalities in Kenya as unacceptable and effectively works to uplift all out of poverty. Unprecedented political will to reduce poverty is necessary for policy and planning to seriously address poverty and temper ethnic grievances.

(4) Protecting common resources

The demand in Rift Valley and the Coast, for example, that land is owned by local people is easy to understand but cannot be the future for Kenya. Coastarians need more than land. They also need services, supplies, markets that a cross section of local and international investors, who also require land, provide. The Kalenjins need to protect forests so that the Maasai and others get water downstream. Kenyans have many common resources including forests, the sea and the port, lakes and rivers, roads, the air, railways, airports, banks, government offices, hospitals, schools, the media, peace and security and our national image. Kenya’s future includes protecting our common resources and ensuring those who create and protect these resources also benefit from them.

(5) Electing nationalists who represent their constituencies and also have an understanding of the needs of other Kenyan communities

The current political model of fighting for ‘our communities’, at all costs, is a recipe for mutually assured destruction. Our next Parliament needs to have leaders who not only understand what their constituents expect from them but also understand what other communities fear and need. These leaders will understand that the needs of their constituencies are not incompatible with the need for water for the Kambas, roads for the Luos, education for Somalis, security for Kikuyus, land tenure for indigenous Coast people and citizenship rights for Asians. These new leaders, Kenyans for Kenya, will be nationalists who represent constituencies but also understand that if one group of Kenyans are left behind, the whole country lags.

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Reform, Partnership, and the Future of Kenya

Speech by U.S. Ambassador Michael Ranneberger,

American Chamber of Commerce, Nairobi

January 26, 2010

Good afternoon.  Thank you for the invitation to address the American Chamber of Commerce at this pivotal time in Kenya’s history.

The Reform Process and Kenya’s Future

2010 will be a decisive year for Kenya’s future.  It is the sincere hope of the U.S. Government that 2010 will be the year in which Kenyans bring about fundamental change in order to set their country on the path to a secure democratic and prosperous future governed by the rule of law.  I want to emphasize the unwavering determination of the United States to push for and support implementation of the reform agenda.  President Obama and Secretary Clinton believe strongly that Kenya must seize this historic opportunity to bring about fundamental change.  That message was highlighted in their recent calls to President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga urging a greater commitment to reform and development of a consensus position on a new constitution.

Achieving implementation of the reform agenda is the central objective of U.S. policy in Kenya.  Success in implementing key reforms will help ensure future democratic stability and prosperity.  Failure to implement significant reforms will greatly enhance prospects for a violent crisis in 2012 or before, which might well prove worse than the last post-election crisis.  Such an outcome is directly counter to both Kenyan and American interests.  Although most Kenyans understand what is at stake, real reform threatens the entrenched political class and the system of impunity that it has created.  That culture of impunity has contributed to inter-ethnic tensions, but real reform will help foster reconciliation.

It is impossible to talk about prospects for development and economic growth without clear indications that these reform issues will be addressed.  There are direct links between implementation of the reform agenda, corruption, and economic development.  The post-election violence reversed years of economic gains, destroyed the Kenyan people’s confidence in their government and leaders, and greatly tarnished Kenya’s international image.

In 2008, GDP growth was just 1.7 percent, down from 7.1 percent in 2007.  In 2008, the agriculture sector (which accounts for 24 percent of GDP and 70 percent of the work force) declined 5.4 percent compared to 2.2 percent growth in 2007.  And in 2008, tourism earnings declined almost 20 percent.  More than 20,000 tourism-related employees were laid off in coastal tourist areas. Although drought and the international financial crisis have also affected Kenya, the lingering impact of the post-election crisis is one of the main reasons why Kenya’s GDP growth is expected to be barely 2 percent this year. Without fundamental changes in the way in which Kenya operates, this country will never reach its true potential.  In his speech at the University of Nairobi in August 2006, then Senator Obama emphasized this point and warned of the perils of failure to address corruption and the other problems facing the Kenyan nation.  Regrettably, those prescient warnings nearly four years ago have yet to be fully heeded.

The United States Supports Implementation of the Reform Agenda

The signing of Agenda 4 of the National Accord, which lays out a comprehensive reform agenda, was not driven primarily by the United States, but rather by the fact that in the aftermath of the disputed election, the Kenyan people in unprecedented fashion made known their desire to bring about fundamental change.  Formation of the coalition government and the signing of Agenda 4 gave Kenyans a new sense of hope.  Thus the formation of the coalition government with its stated commitment to reform opened a pivotal chapter in Kenya’s history.  Most Kenyans agree that the window to achieve significant reforms will close by the end of this year, so the coalition leaders must act decisively and with a much greater sense of urgency.

In doing this leaders must partner with civil society, the private sector, religious communities, the media, and youth.  The old political culture in which politicians are the unaccountable dispensers of patronage must be dismantled and replaced with a new ethic of service to the people.

In the face of much scepticism about the reform process and cynicism about politicians, it is important to make an objective assessment of where the reform process stands.  Some significant progress has been made.  Among other steps, the old Electoral Commission has been disbanded; the Independent Interim Electoral Commission has been set up and has overseen two credible by-elections; the Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation Commission is beginning its work; anti-money laundering legislation has been passed and signed into law; and the constitutional review process is well underway.  The government’s stated commitment to police reform is welcome.  The government’s initiative to save the Mau Forest is also a positive commitment to reform. We are providing political and financial support for these reform steps.  The U.S. Government, at the highest levels, is committed to providing additional assistance to support reforms as they are undertaken.

U.S. support for the reform process should be seen in the context that the United States is by far Kenya’s largest and most important partner. The United States maintains in Nairobi its largest diplomatic mission in sub-Saharan Africa, and over 10,000 Americans call Kenya their home.  More than 300,000 Kenyans live in the United States, and about 7,000 Kenyan students are studying in the U.S. — the largest contingent of African university students.  The United States is contributing approximately $3 billion annually to Kenya’s economy and development through official assistance, trade, American private sector investment, remittances, humanitarian assistance, and private projects being carried out by thousands of American citizens. Our $560 million program to fight HIV/AIDS is the largest that we have with any country in the world.

Specifically related to the reform agenda, we continue not simply to remind the Kenyan Government of its own commitments to change, but to work directly with the Kenyan government and people to support implementation of the reform agenda.

On electoral reform, we have made available $600,000 to support the work of the Interim Independent Electoral Commission.  During the next 12 months the USG will spend more than $2 million to strengthen the role of political parties and civil society in electoral reform.  Our efforts will support party compliance with the new Political Party Act; bolster the roles of women and youth in parties; assist in the development of a national domestic monitoring network; and facilitate dialogue between the major parties and the Electoral Commission at the national and regional levels. An effective and transparent process of voter registration is also extremely important because without it, there can be no fair election.  This is why census results should be clear and correct.

The United States is supporting activities valued at more than $3 million annually aimed at promoting reconciliation and mitigating future conflict. At the national level, this includes technical support to the National Steering Committee tasked with overseeing peace building and conflict management. At the grassroots level, we are working to strengthen institutions such as District Peace Committees, civil society groups, and networks of community leaders – including women and youth – that have been trained in conflict mitigation and resolution.

We are providing $1 million to support the ongoing process of constitutional reform, including providing technical assistance to the Committee of Experts for international legal expertise; research, drafting, and mediation are available as required.  In an effort to increase the voice of citizens, the United States is providing $1.5 million to civil society to support civic education about the constitutional reform process and upcoming referendum.   We are providing support to Parliament on the constitutional review process, including assistance to the Parliamentary Select Committee and the parliamentary Caucus on Reforms.

We are committed to providing assistance to the Kenyan government as it begins the essential tasks of developing its financial intelligence unit and implementing the anti-money-laundering act.

Formulation and implementation of a national land policy is a critical aspect of the reform agenda. In December 2009, Kenya took an important step forward through the adoption of the first national land policy by the Parliament. The United States has created a $1.5 million program to support the Government of Kenya to implement policy and actions that will address some long-standing irregularities and inequities, mitigate land conflicts, restore the condition of natural resources, and diversify rural economies through secured land tenure and property rights regimes.  We will soon announce a major new program to support efforts to save the Mau Forest.

On police reform, ongoing U.S. assistance of over $14 million for training and equipment will support the Government of Kenya’s implementation of police reform.  The United States will provide increased support as actual implementation takes place.

More Must Be Urgently Done to Implement Reforms

While some significant steps have been undertaken, I want to emphasize that much more must be done – and done urgently — to implement the reform agenda.  We help push and provide support, but Kenyans must lead this process and make changes for themselves.

Specifically, the United States Government supports the Kenyan people in urging the following actions.

• President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga should resolve contentious issues with respect to the draft constitution and bring about development of a single draft acceptable to the Kenyan people
• Second, bold and decisive steps need to be undertaken to counter corruption.
• Third, perpetrators of post-election violence must be held accountable.
• Fourth, judicial reform, reform of the Attorney General’s office, and rapid implementation of police reform should be carried out.
• Fifth, concerted efforts should be made to promote national reconciliation.

President Obama and Secretary Clinton each recently called both the President and Prime Minister to urge them to reach a compromise over contentious issues surrounding the new draft constitution.  Though we have not put forward any specific proposals, it is important that whatever draft is agreed upon, first, ensures a coherent government system which limits power though a system of checks and balances and, second, ensures full participation and fair representation of all the people of Kenya.  The progress which is reportedly being made in the PSC deliberations is encouraging.  It is essential that the new constitution will end the longstanding “winner take all” approach in Kenyan politics, will help reassure all Kenyans that their interests will be protected, and will thus serve to de-emphasize  the importance of ethnic electoral alliances. The President and Secretary made clear that tough compromises need to be made on the constitution and that implementation of the reform agenda must be greatly accelerated.

Reaching agreement on a consensus draft of a new constitution would be a major positive step forward.  That would pave the way to hold a non-divisive referendum that would help unify the Kenyan people and set the stage for a constructive electoral process in 2012.  Thus, taken together, the development of a consensus draft and the holding of a successful referendum would constitute a very significant watershed for reforms.  My government, at the highest levels, would respond very positively to this.

The constitution is, in many respects, the sine qua non of the reform process.  Without a new constitution, implementation of other reforms will not prove sufficient to steer the country in the right direction.  If a new constitution is put in place, then implementation of other reforms, along with the new constitution, will help ensure future democratic stability and prosperity.

Corruption must be addressed. The United States shares the deep concern of Kenya’s development partners and the Kenyan people regarding the continuous revelations of large-scale corruption, most recently within the Ministry of Education.  The United States government has suspended a planned five year, $7 million capacity building program for the Ministry of Education that was scheduled to begin in 2010 until there is a credible, independent audit and full accountability.  Those culpable for the fraud should not merely be sacked; they should be prosecuted and put behind bars.

With regard to post-election violence, the United States firmly believes that the organizers, financiers, and perpetrators must be brought to justice.  There is no more glaring example that impunity is alive and well in Kenya than the fact that two years after the events there has been no accountability for the over 1,000 lives lost and 350,000 people displaced in the violence that swept Kenya.  Those who organized, financed, and perpetrated the violence must be brought to justice, preferably through a local tribunal, but through international investigation and prosecution in the absence of a credible local tribunal.

Strong leadership is needed across the political spectrum to promote national reconciliation.  At a time when ethnic tensions remain high, talk of ethnic alliances is frankly irresponsible.  Such talk fuels tensions, foments division, and undercuts the reform process.

Accountability – Key Questions

In the spirit of candor among friends, I want to raise some very serious concerns I frequently hear from Kenyans, and which are directly relevant to the reform agenda.

• Kazi Kwa Vijana has been plagued with accusations of non-payment to youth and misappropriation of funds.  Will there be clear transparency and accountability?
• Due to the post-election crisis and the global financial crisis, the Kenyan government faces very serious budgetary constraints. The donor community had suggested that the government limit the number and size of delegations travelling overseas.  We therefore shared the Kenyan people’s dismay at the government’s November 12 announcement increasing travel allowances.  Under the new allowances, a Minister visiting Europe would reportedly reap $918/day in allowances, more than the average Kenyan earns in a year!  Will this allowance structure be reviewed?
• The Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing scandals combined cost the Kenyan people $1 billion – and not a single high level official has been brought to justice.  Now we are hearing the government may make significant additional payments to Anglo-Leasing-related companies.  What will be done to ensure accountability and transparency?
• Has the Cockar Commission report on the sale of the Grand Regency ever been made public?
• The Kenyan taxpayers are on the hook for up to $100 million through the Triton oil scandal.  What is the status of the investigation, plans to prosecute those involved, and plans to recover those assets?
• In response to the maize scandal, the government promised the Kenyan people and donors a forensic audit.  Where is the audit report, and what is being done to bring to change the corrupt practices of government officials who use their positions to benefit financially from food acquisition and distribution – including food for the poor and starving?
• The government also pledged to donors that it would outsource at least some operations of the National Cereals and Produce Board by September 2009.  Yet there has been no progress.  When will the government take this much-needed action?

The Urgent Need for Reforms – 3 Individual Stories

In talking with ordinary people as I travel around Kenya, I know that corruption, the culture of impunity, and the failure to implement the reform agenda have real life-or-death consequences.  There are many victims of these crimes, and I would like to take a moment to relate a few of their stories. I will not use their real names.

Wanjiku lives just an hour’s drive from here in Central Province.  When her mother passed away, she was forced to leave school before completing her primary education to take care of her six siblings.  Now married and a mother herself, Wanjiku’s husband works as a night guard and he brings home a monthly income of 2,000 shillings.  Her husband has tried to move up to be a supervisor or join the police, but can’t afford the bribe needed to get a better paying job.  Wanjiku struggles to house and feed her four children and supplement her husband’s income with occasional tailoring jobs.  When the maize scandal unfolded, the rise in corn prices meant that Wanjiku’s children often go without meals, and now show the telltale signs of malnourishment.

Hassan is a bright, energetic twelve year old boy whose parents work as day laborers in a rural community in Coast Province.  Hassan knows that education is the key to escaping the cycle of poverty, and diligently studies each night by the light of a flickering candle.  Despite his efforts to soak up knowledge, Hassan’s class numbers eighty students and meets in a crumbling classroom block.  The Ministry of Education has promised additional teachers and a new building, but the funds disbursed were siphoned off through corruption.

Betty was forced out onto the streets of Nairobi when her father took a new wife who beat Betty daily.  After a few days she was detained by the police for vagrancy, and placed into a holding cell, which Betty at first thought would provide a dry place to sleep.  Late that night, however, one of the police officers in the station entered the cell and violently raped Betty.  After seeking care from a hospital which confirmed the assault, the police rejected the hospital report and insisted that Betty be examined by Nairobi’s sole police physician instead.  After the police doctor reported no sign of assault, the police prosecutor declined to pursue Betty’s case, leaving the officer who raped Betty free to assault other vulnerable young women who, in an accountable society, should be under his protection.

The Unwavering U.S. Commitment to Push Implementation of the Reform Agenda

Let me underscore the position of the United States Government that there will be no “business as usual” with those opposed to implementation of the reform agenda.  We have already begun to ensure that those most egregiously involved in corruption will not use the benefits of that corruption in the United States.  We will continue to do so and may take additional actions in the coming weeks regarding persons who are not welcome to travel to the United States.

The United States Government will continue to work with the Kenyan government where possible to support implementation of reforms, while exerting pressure as necessary.  At the same time, we will encourage and support civil society, the private sector, religious groups, and the media to support implementation of the reform agenda.

In November, we supported a National Youth Forum that took place in Nairobi.  The Forum was organized by 66 independent youth organizations and brought together over 700 delegates from every constituency in the country.  The Forum took place in the context of our continuing efforts to expand outreach to youth and to expand support for independent youth organizations as part of the broader process of propelling domestic-driven pressure for implementation of the reform agenda.  One of the outcomes of the National Youth Forum was that youth leaders committed themselves to mobilize millions of young people to provide input into the ongoing constitutional review process, and to push peacefully for implementation of the reform agenda.

Thomas Jefferson wisely observed that “Democracy is cumbersome, slow, and inefficient, but in due time, the voice of the people will be heard, and their latent wisdom will prevail.”  Senator Robert F. Kennedy said — and this is inscribed on his gravestone: “It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history is shaped.  Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out at injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.”  We applaud the efforts of Kenyan youth, and indeed all segments of civil society, to make their voices heard, and we shall continue to support those voices.

As a follow up to the National Youth Forum, last month I launched a $45 million comprehensive program for youth called “Yes Youth Can.”  The “Yes Youth Can” program strongly complements on-going USG diplomacy and development efforts to reach out to and support grassroots organizations to empower them to push peacefully for implementation of reforms, to promote national reconciliation, and to develop livelihood opportunities.

Earlier this month, we supported a delegation of youth leaders and activists who went to Washington and met with Members of Congress, think tanks, and key officials of the Obama Administration concerned about the slow pace of reform in Kenya.  The message these youth leaders heard is the same as I have shared with you today: keep at it, work tirelessly and constructively for positive change, and you have our active and unwavering support!

In a few weeks Parliament is sending a delegation of the Parliamentary Caucus on Reforms to Washington in response to an invitation from the U.S. Congress.  The Caucus will meet with U.S. policy makers on the reform agenda, will develop contacts with key think tanks and NGOs relevant to propelling the reform process in Kenya, and will learn how caucus and issue-based campaigns work. We welcome this parliamentary initiative.

In my travels around the country I have had the privilege of speaking with thousands of Kenyans, and I have heard their hope — their hope that government will serve them, and not just the vested interests of the entrenched political elites; their hope for a better job and income to feed their families; their hope for a secure home and community; and their hope for a good education and better future for their children.

A Kenyan whom some of you may remember, Jonah Anguka, wrote a book about the murder of Kenya’s Foreign Affairs Minister Robert Ouko.  He depicts a situation that was as relevant in the Kenya of the 1990s as it regrettably still is today.  He quotes a Kenyan Judge, Justice Abdullah, who reportedly said in 1993:  “This is a country where the guilty go scot-free, but the innocent (are) incarcerated, where Goldenbergs and Sololo flaunt their wealth and live lavishly, but children of the streets arm themselves with feces to beg, where inciters of violence are condoned but preachers of peace are condemned….let us stop this rot. Let us stop this downward slide. Let us stop this headlong rush into the abyss now, or tomorrow will be too late.”

Now, more than ever before, the people of Kenya are demanding change, and we shall do all we can to support them in their efforts to achieve it.

Thank you very much.

However, fundamentally everyone will agree that this man affected the politics of Kenya in a way very few others have done, & most of it was for good. So today, as KikuyusforChange, we share the piece written by his family in the media, as our small way of recognizing this man, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

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A dream of Kenya as One People, One Nation

Remembering Jaramogi Oginga Odinga

On January 21, 1994, Kenyans awoke to the sad news that Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, then leader of the parliamentary opposition, had passed away the previous evening, at the age of 83, at the Aga Khan Hospital in Kisumu. The whole nation went into mourning, and people across the country began eulogising Jaramogi as “the best president we never had”.

Jaramogi’s remains were first flown back to his home in Nairobi, and from there he was taken by road on his final earthly journey, to his ancestral home in Bondo. Everyone wanted to say goodbye. All along the roadsides for hundreds of miles, people stood weeping as the funeral cortege – some three miles long – passed westwards from Nairobi. Thousands gathered in Nakuru and Kericho, where stops were made so that people could pay their last respects, before the cortege moved resolutely on towards Nyanza, where grief was profound.

Everyone in the nation knew that Jaramogi had been one of Kenya’s founding fathers, and that he had remained steadfast and true to the Kenyan Dream until the end of his life. For many years, his was a lone voice speaking out for the landless. From Independence, he had defended the rights of those affected by colonial policies – particularly people in Central Province, many of whom had been dispossessed of their land. And whatever was thrown at Jaramogi for his principled stand, he always soldiered courageously on, true to his ideals.

One of Jaramogi’s dearest dreams was the development of Kenya as one nation, one people – a nation that saluted diversity but remained strong and undivided by the tribal affiliations that in the end are only accidents of birth.

In 1958, speaking as an African Elected Member in the colonial government on a motion brought to the House by Tom Mboya, Jaramogi declared his support for the detained Kenyatta, at a time when many dared not speak Kenyatta’s name. Jaramogi’s remarks came during debate on ‘Convicts at Lokitaung Prison and Elsewhere’ – which included Kenyatta and his fellow detainees. The motion sought to allow visits by African Elected Members of LegCo to investigate claims of ill-treatment of prisoners, claims that had been dismissed by the colonial authorities as “fabrications”. During the debate in the House, Kenyatta and the others had been referred to as nothing more than common criminals.

Jaramogi was deeply angered by this. When he stood to speak, he said, “These people, before they were arrested, they were the political leaders of the Africans in this country, and the Africans respected them as their political leaders – and even at this very moment, in the heart of hearts of Africans, they are still the political leaders.”

There was mayhem in the House, with shouts of “Order! Order!” all round. Jaramogi was not deterred. Before the Speaker, Sir Ferdinand Cavendish-Bentinck, could stop him, Jaramogi went on to refer to “mistakes” made by the government, which were “hurting the feelings of the Africans”.

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was never afraid to stand up for what was right. He was an icon of integrity for the people of this land. We remember him today, on the 16th anniversary of his death, as always. We remember his courage, his teaching and his constancy. We revere his principled adherence to an ethical code whose cornerstones were truth, nationalism, democracy and social justice. There could be no greater memorial to his name than working together to achieve the ideals he held so dear.

1)      Inter-Ethnic Discussions:

a)      We have been part of a process that is establishing dialogue platforms where young opinion leaders from different communities in Kenya can come together & hold candid discussions on ethnicity, as well as develop strategies and activities that promote good neighbourliness, reconciliation & national cohesion, towards building national unity across communities. The first series of these meetings enabled representatives from the Kikuyu, Luo & Kalenjin communities to meet & spend 3 separate weekends on this issue. The young leaders from these communities met and held candid and honest discussions under the theme ‘National Interests Vs Community Interests: What comes First? Several other meetings have been held and substantial progress made towards understanding the issue of tribal animosity, and answering the question “Is Kenya a Nation of Individuals or a Country of Tribes?’

b)      We have established a network with other community based groups through a programme we initiated with several other groups, called Regional Dialogues Forum. The purpose of this programme is the exchange of ideas on how to deal with issues of ethnicity.

c)      We have been a key part of a process established to discuss strategies & ideas that can be developed for use within each community in Kenya, to confront negative ethnicity.

d)      In April 2009 our representatives were invited as guests at a peace rally organized in Ndeffu, Njoro in Rift Valley Province (a violence hot-spot during PEV). This event brought together close to 4,000 people, comprising of kikuyus and kalenjins, and the representatives of both communities exchanged a peace torch in our presence & that of the Ambassador of America, as a sign of their commitment to work towards lasting peace in their area.

e)      In April 2009 representatives of Kikuyusforchange travelled to Kisumu as guests of Nyanza Youth Coalition during a discussion forum they had organized for over 800 young people from the Luo community. They had come together to discuss Agenda 4 and make known their concerns about the slow pace of reforms.

f)       In August 2009 we conceptualized & fundraised to facilitate 9 other communities to initiate similar intra-ethnic initiatives. Between September & December 2009 7 communities (Kambas, Luhyas, Kisii, Kalenjins, Mijikenda & Teso) held intra-ethnic discussion forums on what tribe is, how it affects relations with people of other tribes, how it affects the Kenyan identity, & a tribes requirements of Kenya. Between January & February 2010 three other communities will also hold their own (Maasai, Somali & Borana).

g)      The 9 forums were started off with a small inter-ethnic forum in Nairobi, & will culminate with a 250-person inter-ethnic forum in February 2010.

2)      National Events:

a)      In September 2008 we were part of a nationwide campaign on inter-ethnic harmony that culminated in over 1,000 young people meeting in Bomas of Kenya under Youth Agenda, in the 2008 National Youth Convention (NYCiv).

b)      In May 2009 we hosted a group of over 170 young leaders of 15 ethnic grass-root-based community organizations drawn from across all the provinces in Kenya. The groups presented their communities views on whether the implementation of Agenda 4 will unlock the issues that lead to ethnic tension.

3)      Internal Community Discussions:

a)      We have held several press conferences to respond to utterances and/or political positions by especially political leaders, where we feel such utterances promote negative ethnicity & tribalism.

b)      We are running a program of discussion forums across Kenya for young people, especially the middle-class, seeking ways to engage them on matters of national interest so as to involve them in local & national politics.

c)      We are working with various community organizations in Central to facilitate how this grass-root-based community elders organization that has a representation of over 1,600 elders in all the regions of Kenya where the kikuyu community lives, and include them in the inter-ethnic discussions that kikuyusforchange has been having with young people from other communities, so that we can have an elders-to-elders interaction as well.

d)      In December 2009 we developed a summarized analysis on the Kikuyu Community today, with suggestions on proposed ways forward towards solving the anti-kikuyu attitudes, as well as developing national cohesion all round.

e)      In December 2009 we met the GEMA Cultural Association (GCA), a kikuyu elders association drawn primarily from the business & political elite of the community, where we presented our concerns based on the analysis above. We raised issue with the fact that nothing was been done to manage the pervasive national, though localized, anti-kikuyu sentiments in most parts of the country. In the same month we also held similar meetings with the Rift Valley Council of Elders (kikuyu) and MOKECES (Mt. Kenya Council of Elders), where we raised similar concerns as those we had raised with GEMA.

4)      Civic Education & Engagement on National Issues:

a)      In July 2009 we organized & self-funded a discussion forum where our members met & learnt about the various funds devolved to constituencies. We also discussed how ordinary citizens can engage in the processes of managing these funds, as well as how to conduct social audits. This meeting was the first of a 29 such discussion forums we intend to hold in each of the 29 constituencies of Central province. We expect to enable our members acquire knowledge on how they can participate in grass root development programmes.

b)      On 2^nd September we presented a memorandum to the CDF Review Task Force seating in Nairobi where we presented our position as developed by our members in the discussion forum above, & in subsequent virtual-based discussions thereafter

c)      On 4^th November we presented a memorandum on our position as regards the proposed review of constituency boundaries to the Interim Independent Boundaries Review Commission seating in Nyeri

d)      In December 2010 one of our members developed a ‘Draft Constitution Companion’, a 25-page illustrated presentation of the 180+ draft constitution that was released to the public for debate as the country prepares to change the constitution. The companion is a simplified version that enables easier understanding of several key aspects of the draft constitution. It has been circulated on the internet to the all the networks we know of as a means of disseminating this crucial information.

e)      On several occasions we have, & continue to publicly state our positions on issues of national importance including how to deal with Post Election Violence Perpetrators, Mau Forest reservation, Ethnic Bashing, US & European Union engagements with Kenya, etc.

5)      Public Awareness:

a)      Radio- In 2008 we were invited on three different occasions onto Radio Simba, to speak about our message. On 3 occasions this year we have been invited to Kiss FM Radio Station’s Big Breakfast Show to share what we are doing internally within the kikuyu community, as well as with other communities across Kenya. In each session we spoke about what we are involved in, with others, to bring about national cohesion and integration for the next generation of Kenyans.

b)      Television-Early in 2009 we were invited to KBC (DAMKA), and on 2 other occasions in July 2009 we were invited to The Louis Otieno Show on Citizen TV. In November we were invited to Fist to Five (Citizen), & twice on This is Louis, (K24) to share our views on tribalism, the youth agenda & the constitution.

c)      Newspapers-we have featured in mainstream & alternate media news articles as well as provided our views through articles written by our membership, on issues of national importance including our role in the reform agenda in Kenya, ethnicity/tribalism and various actions & decisions by the country’s leadership.

d)      Media Convergence: – In December 2009 we held a media breakfast for people from various media houses & different stations, to discuss the harmonised draft constitution & propose how the media can assist get correct information to their constituencies.

e)      Internet-Kikuyusforchange maintains a vibrant presence on the internet through a website (www.kikuyusforchange.com) as well as a very active internet discussion group (kikuyusforchange@google groups.com) through which members are able to share ideas, discuss issues and provide suggestions for action on especially current issues, and thus keeps relevant continuously.

6)      Other Activities:

a)      Town-Hall Meetings- In November & December 2009, in partnership with the American Embassy we have been involved in a forum in Kiambu, that included youth town-hall meetings with the US Ambassador, as well as conversations on possible US agency-involved development projects in Central province. These are to continue in 2010, with meetings in Muranga & Nyeri in January.

b)      Listening Meetings- In December 2009, in partnership with the Royal Netherlands Embassy we have been involved in one small (10-person) forum in Nyeri, where various stakeholders (elders, youth, business people, etc) in a region seat with the Netherlands Ambassador & discuss issues of reforms, development projects, etc. These are to continue across Central Province in 2010.

Early 2010 Events:

• National: – In February 2010 we will be hosting a group of over 250 young leaders of at least 15 ethnic grass-root-based community organizations drawn from across all the provinces in Kenya, as a culmination to our discussions on tribes & nationalism.
• Inter-Ethnic Celebrating PEV Heroes. In February 2010 we also initiate a project that will identify Kenyans from a cross section of ethnic groups and sectors who defended the rights of others when it would have been easier and safer to follow the tide of hatred and violence, or at most, do nothing at all.
• Intra-Ethnic:-Self-Analysis: From February 2010 we start a series of discussion forums across Central province to explore whether there is a discrepancy in how kikuyus perceive themselves, & how others perceive them, and if so, why.

‘Thegiù  Mùno’ to several institutions who have partnered with us to enable platforms for discussion, facilitating events & meetings, having their members participate in our events as speakers, or speaking with us, or speaking with others favourably about us. They include:

1)      Open Society Institute of East Africa (OSIEA)

2)      Fredrich Ebert Foundation (FES)

3)      Kenyans For Peace, Truth & Justice (KPTJ)

4)      Movement For Political Accountability (MOPA)

5)      Youth Agenda

6)      Centre For Multi-Party Democracy (CMD) Kenya

7)      Diversity Africa Foundation

8)      The American Embassy

9)      The German Embassy

10)   The Netherlands Embassy

11)   Radio Africa Limited

12)   Citizen TV

13)   Nation Newspapers

14)   The Standard newspapers

15)   K24 Tv

16)   KBC

17)   Radio Simba

18)   Media Focus on Africa

19)   Nyanza Youth Coalition

20)   Rift Valley Youth Coalition/Rift Valley Dialogue Forum

21)   Ukambani Progressive Forum

22)   Teso Progressive Forum

23)   Coast Citizen’s Coalition

24)   Western Youth Forum

25)   Northern Frontier For Democracy

26)   GADA (Borana)

27)   Maa Civil Society Groups

28)   Nyeri Social Forum

29)   Kenya Movement For Democracy & Justice (KMDJ), UK

30)   Kenyans For Change – US

31)   GEMA Cultural Association

32)   Mt Kenya Council of Elders (MOKES)

33)   Rift Valley Council of Elders

34)   Komothai Council of Elders

Special thanks also to those numerous individuals who have been with us at different points.

Happy 2010 Everyone!!

We express great concern on the recent directive by the Ministry of Internal Security to audit properties & businesses in the Eastleigh area of Nairobi & the Coast Province.  We raise this concern because this directive raises the perception and danger of ethnic profiling of members of the Somali community, which we feel sets a dangerous precedent in a country with multiple ethnic communities.

We also note that there exist numerous provisions in international & national human rights & legal instruments, which prohibit discrimination on, amongst other grounds, race or ethnicity.

We therefore ask the government to reconsider this directive & if possible withdraw it. We are confident that the security agencies can do what is required to keep us safe without ethnic profiling.

We also request all Kenyans, from all communities, to be vigilant on any issue that isolates any Kenyan group based on their ethnicity. We remind all of us of the words of Pastor Martin Niemoller during the Nazi Holocaust, on the danger of keeping quiet during incidences of such discrimination.

Provisions in International and National Laws

• Article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil & Political Rights (ICCPR): -All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law. In this respect, the law shall prohibit any discrimination and guarantee to all persons equal and effective protection against discrimination on any ground such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.
• Article 2 of the African Charter on Human & Peoples Rights (ACHPR): Every individual shall be entitled to the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms recognised and guaranteed in the present Charter without distinction of any kind such as race, ethnic group, colour, sex, language, religion, political or any other opinion, national and social origin, fortune, birth or any status.
• Article 37 of the Harmonized Draft Constitution: The State shall not discriminate directly or indirectly against any person on any ground, including race, sex, pregnancy, marital status,
• Section 82 of the current Kenyan Constitution: prohibits discrimination on the basis of, among others, race, religion & ethnicity.

Pastor Martin Niemoller:

Pastor Niemöller spoke for thousands and thousands of men, when he said that when the Nazis attacked the Communists, he was a little uneasy but after all he was not a Communist, and so he did nothing. Then they attacked the Socialists, and he was a little uneasier again but still, he was not a Socialist and he did nothing. Then the schools, the press, the Jews, and so on, and he was always uneasier, but since neither affected him personally, still he did nothing. And then they attacked the Church, and he was a Churchman, and he did something—but by then it was too late.

Kenya’s change-the-constitution history

It has been argued that the Kenya constitutional process has been the most debated among emerging democracies. It is also clear that constitutional change in Kenya is a challenge as clearly evidenced by the costly failures of the last 17 years.

Kenyans have realized that for as long as power continues to be centred on the Presidency, with no comprehensive checks and balances, resource allocation will continue to be skewed against marginalised communities. We also know that the Judiciary will continue to lack independence, and basic needs will not be considered as human rights.

This means that unless the constitution is changed, impunity and corruption will continue to reign; poverty and inequalities will further be entrenched, and violence will become a way of life in our country.

Politics and the Constitution

Kenyan politics has over the years become an exercise of attaining power for personal benefit, rather than for public service. The all-powerful presidency entrenched in our current constitution provides the holder of that office with the opportunity to build unimaginable personal wealth and misappropriate public resources for political use. The lack of any notable checks and balances also allows the president to undermine parliament’s will and the judicial process.

The 2005 referendum was a watershed event in ethnically divisive politics. These ethicized politics, reached a natural and catastrophic conclusion in the violence of 2007/2008. We now live in a country where ethnic suspicion and hatred are strong. The recent tribe-based political alliances and re-alignments, and the constant ethnic-biased positions taken on national issues by today’s political class, are also clear indications that negative ethnicity is still a reality in Kenya. Ethnic posturing and positioning continues to dominate the country’s political processes and the debate on national issues.  

Ethnicity & its Effect on National Issues:

In the last close to 2 years Kikuyusforchange has facilitated and/or been part of numerous dialogue forums between communities, as well as within communities. Between September and December this year we facilitated 7 intra-community discussion forums (amongst the Kambas, Luhyas, Kisii, Kalenjins, Mijikenda and Teso) where discussions were held within each community on ethnic identity, inter-ethnic relationships, how the tribal identity interacts with the Kenya identity, and what a tribe requires of Kenya.

These inter and intra ethnic discussion forums have illustrated to us in very stark ways how national and local interests and perspectives are today shaped by ethnic political identities. We have encountered narratives of the expectations and fears of various ethnic groups and we have also been provided invaluable insight as to how different communities view matters of nationhood.

We believe that this understanding is critical if we are to have an open and honest discussion on the draft constitution.

Open and Honest Negotiation: Breaking the Constitutional Stalemate

If Kenya is to achieve what has eluded us for close to 20 years, we must cease hiding behind technical positions on the constitution when presenting ethnic interests or fears. Our discussions must therefore incorporate regional and ethnic interests, and openly delve into the fears and expectations of various ethnic communities as regards clauses in the draft constitution.

It is our proposal that the process of discussing the draft constitution include sessions where representatives of ethnic and other community groups can raise views openly and in good faith. Based on our experience in ethnic dialogue we believe that only when this is done will progress be made on contentious issues, and only then will consensus be reached.

Finally, as kikuyusforchange, it is our hope that the widespread ethnic oriented post election violence will remind all of us, of what we are running against. We also hope that a critical mass of Kenyans have developed from this experience who realize that the window for peaceful political reform is closing. On that basis we expect that the challenge in realizing a new constitution will be looked at against the background of what will happen if we fail, and that all the stakeholders, especially the current political leaders, will bear this in mind as they put across their positions.

Today power continues to be centered on the Presidency with limited checks and balances, resource allocation is skewed against marginalised communities, the Judiciary lacks independence and basic needs are not considered as human rights. The result is that impunity and corruption continue to reign; poverty and inequalities are further entrenched while violence is becoming a way of life in the country.

Politics is increasingly perceived as an exercise of attaining power for personal benefit rather than for public service. Ethnic groups are easy targets for mobilisation for these hurried and selfish political ventures. Political parties today are therefore simple election vehicles for aggregating voters into ethnic blocs. These ethnicised politics, for personal convenience, have reached their natural and catastrophic conclusion. Ethnic suspicion and hatred has reached a climax. Resultant bloodshed and political instability has caught the attention of the international community.

Kenya’s politics have swayed in different directions depending on the ethnic identity of the sitting President. Today, Kikuyus are visibly at the center of the ethnicised political arena. National political debate is examined through a narrow Kikuyu lens. The perceptions confirm increasing or vanquished Kikuyu dominance eliciting reactions, from other Kenyans, that range from hysteria and even triumph.

Kikuyus: As Perceived by Others

Kikuyus are perceived by other Kenyans as an arrogant economically dominant ethnic group that is also unscrupulous. Indeed the stereotype that Kikuyus are thieves has become entrenched across the country. Kikuyus are seen to have an economic advantage due to colonial advantages, corruption and nepotistic tendencies of the Kenyatta and Kibaki regimes. There is a fear of Kikuyu political and economic hegemony particularly in the Rift Valley. Many Kenyans have subsequently sworn that another Kikuyu cannot be President.

Political positions that emanate from Central Kenya are viewed with suspicion and paranoia. This Kikuyu hypersensitivity even causes irritation for some when the Kikuyu language is spoken in their presence. These views have created resentment and dehumanising references to Kikuyus in language that usually precedes genocide. For example, in 2008 the Kikuyus in Rift Valley were labelled as ‘madoadoa’ or spots. In a recent inter ethnic meeting, hosted by Kikuyus for Change, a participant from Western Kenya said that Kikuyu behaviour made others wonder if ‘these [Kikuyus] are really people’.

Kikuyus: As They Perceive Themselves

Kikuyus are individualistic and do not have widespread community aspirations. Entrepreneurship and wealth generation have become the most dominant cultural trait among Kikuyus. The first Kibaki term and its economic successes is seen by many Kikuyus as a demonstration of Kikuyu leadership. The Kibaki working nation still continues to appeal to these Kikuyus.

Kikuyus have been taken by surprise at the recent intense hostilities towards them and have generally have not internalised the meaning of these strong negative sentiments. These hostilities are often assumed, by many Kikuyus, to emanate from backward, envious and uninformed instincts. Kikuyus feel unfairly punished for doing the same things that others are doing e.g. voting for their own kinsmen.

Kikuyus generally tend to cope individually rather than as a group. Kikuyus who were directly affected by recent ethnic hostilities have picked themselves up and dusted themselves off to the extent that they could.

The Consequences of Clashing Perceptions

Widespread negative perceptions of Kikuyus have led to knee jerk reactions when a Kikuyu or Central Kenya public official is being discussed. There is widespread political determination to ensure Kikuyus never obtain an advantage over others for public sector resources including jobs. Kikuyu/Central Kenya public officials are often viewed as having obtained those positions unfairly.

Today, the critical agenda of public sector reforms is seen by many as an opportunity to primarily tame Kikuyu dominance. For example, there is strong resistance to the introduction of the universally accepted democratic principle of one-man-one-vote. This principle is seen to support the political domination of Kikuyus. Additionally, this ethnic oriented political life has caused growing income inequalities in Central province to be overlooked. Stark poverty, alcoholism and hopelessness is cruelly juxtaposed with great wealth on the hillsides of Mount Kenya. Mungiki, a militant political formation, has now developed into both a local and national security threat.

Finally, every general election, since the re-introduction of plural politics, has seen increased killings, injury and displacements of Kikuyus. This politically motivated violence has now drawn the attention of the International Criminal Court.

Overall, the consequence of these clashing viewpoints is suboptimal public sector choices, paralysis in the country’s public life, an unstable business environment and bloody conflict. The international community has intervened in Kenya’s political crisis and the country’s sovereignty is under threat.

Kikuyu Responses to the Political Crisis

(1)     Fight

This is the dominant response of Kikuyu politicians and it is only aggravating the political crisis. Kikuyu politicians hurriedly respond to issues often with arrogance that confirms the stereotypical thinking on Kikuyus.  Their statements almost always fail to illustrate shared aspirations with other Kenyan communities.  Some of these politicians go even further and make provocative statements in weekend political rallies. These provocative statements illustrate ignorance of the crisis the country finds itself in and the resultant negative consequences for Kikuyus especially those living outside Central Province.

(2)     Ignore/Minimise Crisis or Run Away

This tends to be the position of wealthy, middle-class or business oriented Kikuyus. They continue to simply cope and hope that soon the political actors that they support will succeed in tempering these national storms. However, the crisis is only getting worse and Kenya as a state is now under threat. Local and international investor confidence has significantly ebbed. Hundreds of thousands of Kikuyus lost their investments and livelihoods with the post election violence. Many Kikuyu businesses continue to be uncertain of the future.

(3)     Apologizers

There are a few Kikuyus who have swung to the other end of the spectrum by trying hard to appear different from other Kikuyus. These Kikuyus are mainly in civil society. They seek to deny an ethnic political identity and often point out Kikuyu advantages and Kikuyu corruption. These Kikuyus have provided a healing balm to other Kenyans but have failed to shift Kikuyu community thinking or resolve the national crisis.

Proposals for way forward:-

1.       Leadership

The community needs a cross-sectional rejuvenation of its leadership, especially political. There is need for a leadership that deals with national & local socio-political & economic issues by effectively balancing 3 things: (i) the promotion of democratic principles and the protection of the human rights of all Kenyans (ii) the acceptance that Kikuyus are perceived as a dominant group & that their leaders will therefore be held to a different standard as leaders, as well as be expected to shoulder special responsibilities not necessarily expected from others (iii) the need for strategic capitalization of the community’s relative strengths for the benefit of the wider Kikuyu community, as well as for the overall growth of Kenya.    

2.       Strategic Thinking:

The community needs strategic thinkers who get into the issues that are facing the community, & who can help the community leadership develop solutions on current & long-term issues.

3.       Community Structures:

The community needs to develop structures within its various demographics (elders, women & youth) that can help every member engage in local and/or national socio-economic development projects.

The fence was too high to see over, but I saw a little gap in the planks, so I looked through to see what was going on…..

Some crazy idiot poked me in the eye with a stick!

Then, they all started shouting ‘14….14….14′

The adverse reactions to the census question on tribe bring to the fore an issue that is our Achilles Heel. It did not help that this fire was stoked by civil society with an expensive promotional campaign to encourage respondents to avoid answering this question.

However, one must ask: Is being a Luo, Kikuyu, Kalenjin or Maasai mutually exclusive to being a Kenyan? I emphatically believe the answer is NO! Kenya is a land of great diversity, which is expressed in our natural, and therefore unchangeable, geographical features.

Similarly, it is a fallacy to attempt to distil our social diversity. The oft-mentioned 42 tribes are as natural to this country as the White Highlands and the arid lands upwards of Isiolo.

As with every human activity, our tribal interactions have led to both positive and negative views of each and every tribe. For example, on the one hand, we acknowledge the intellectual prowess of the Luo, but are also content to generalise them as lazy and wasteful. We praise the industry of the Kisii, but dismiss them as ill-tempered and rude brutes. We salute the courage of the Maasai but look down on them for their backwardness.

And therein lies the problem.

We are quick to judge negatively whole swathes of the population. If, as a nation, we recognised that the ability to excel on one hand and to be evil exists in all tribes, we would regard each other better. How have other nations dealt with the issue? Perhaps our best example is Tanzania to the south, for it seems to have fostered a nationality devoid of ethnicity. But is that really the case?

Time will tell but human history has shown that we will never lack an issue on which to disagree, sometimes violently. Other nations like Syria, Turkey and Iran have tried to force ethnic minorities into a melting pot, with minimal success. The most widely known case is that of the Kurds in the three countries. Spain suffered serious terrorism due to Basque rebellion. The Balkan countries and the USSR disintegrated due to attempts to hide ethnic differences by a succession of megalomaniacs.

In light of this, how do we move ahead? I believe we should embrace our diversity and not seek to curtail it, either officially or unofficially.

We should, as a country, allow the expression of our differences in a civilised manner. We should encourage acceptance of who we are and where we have come from. Somalia has obviously shown us the futility of the belief that no tribe equals no trouble. Children should be encouraged to learn their vernacular, and in their early years, a different tongue or two. This will lead to appreciation of other communities, and therefore, mutual respect. Education will be key to better and more honest ethnic relations in this country. The new constitution should also not curtail the formation of parties with ethnic or religious connections.

To put it differently, it should allow the formation of parties on whatever grounds and bring the promoters and members together. We could pretend that this is wrong for the country, but honestly, what is the reality? ODM-K may be chaired by Mr Samuel Poghisio, but 99 per cent of Kenyans will call it a Kamba party. PNU may have representatives from all provinces, but 99 per cent of Kenyans will think Kikuyu when they see the logo. Tribal jealousies and hatred as well as a sense of entitlement and greed were well-used to obtain power for our leaders.

It is my firm belief that we can harness this diversity to positive ends.

Now America has decided to put certain leaders on notice that if they do not use their influence to ensure systems are in place to protect Kenyans from a repeat of that period, they will not be allowed to travel to their country. This is their right, & we feel we should be more concerned by what drives them to do something like that to a country they call a friend.

We believe the primary motivation for what America has done is to push our political leadership to be decisive & implement the reform agenda. As a lobby group involved in inter-ethnic cohesion we understand quite well how vulnerable Kenya is today, and we know how important & urgent it is for Kenya to deal with the issues that led to the PEV in 2007. This is what the proposed reforms will do.

It is therefore quite sad that an outsider has to actually use threats such as this to get our leaders to do what is right for their people. Infact, as far as we are concerned anyone standing in the way of any reforms that will get this country away from a repeat of 2007’s PEV should not even be holding any public office, let alone having to embarrass the president by making him have to defend such persons from international sanctions & criticisms.

Sovereignty is earned, and we have the opportunity to earn it if we implement Agenda 4. Only then will we be the kind of country that cannot be spoken down to by anyone, or whose leaders cannot be declared ‘persona non grata’ by other countries. We will not & cannot be treated with respect by our regional and/or international partners if we cannot feed our people, maintain/grow our economy or protect our citizens from criminals. We have even failed to protect our forests, a free gift from God!

Let us sort out our local issues then we will not have to fight off such embarrassments on the international arena